Manual Arctic Economics in the 21st Century: The Benefits and Costs of Cold (CSIS Reports)

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And the northern premiers have a wish-list for him: Yukon is pushing for an investment in power generation, the Northwest Territories wants housing transfer cuts reversed and Nunavut is pushing for devolution, or province-like power. Murkowski, Landrieu federal offshore revenue sharing plan faces cold front. But the effort isn't supported, at this point, by the federal administration. Think tank: Ottawa must build marine transport system in Nunavut.

Arctic Economics in the 21st Century: The Benefits and Costs of Cold

Refurbished Amundsen sets out on 10th Arctic science mission. The ship leaves Quebec on its first Arctic mission following major repairs, including replacement of its engines and upgrades to shipboard systems and equipment, the Department of Fisheries and Oceans said. This marks the 10th year for the Amundsen's dual service as a science vessel in the North during the summer and fall seasons, and as an icebreaker and escort ship in the St.


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Lawrence River and the Gulf of St. Lawrence during the winter months. Arctic Fibre ramps up cable project with seven-community Nunavut tour. Iqaluit Coast Guard office maintains pan-Arctic vigil. Barge collides with docked Coast Guard cutter in Cordova.

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The tug the Krystal Sea was maneuvering an attached barge, Cordova Provider, into a spot in the harbor when the front part of the barge struck the cutter around 7 a. The ship was arriving from Whittier with 4 people onboard at the time of the accident. The Sycamore, a foot buoy tender, suffered damage to its port bow during the accident.

The above photo 'gives you the extent' of the damage, Coast Guard spokesperson Lt. Allie Ferko said, but couldn't put a price tag on it. Legislative Action. Tomorrow at p. No funding is authorized in this legislation. A funding mechanism for such a program will be pursued under separate legislation. For more information, you can view S. Future Events. Mead Treadwell, Tuesday July 30 , , a. It determines that for now, the U.

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Lieutenant Governor Treadwell will offer his reflections on this new report. These findings will inform the Commission's Final Report. Arctic Exchange, September , Stockholm. As more and more data has confirmed that the Arctic is extremely rich in oil and gas reserves, locations such as Greenland and the Barents Sea have seen a huge growth in interest from the hydrocarbon industry.

Despite the opportunities offered, there are many challenges that may hinder operations.

Economic race to extract Arctic resources

The presence of cold temperatures, ice and a lack of infrastructure pose logistical problems that make exploration expensive and risky. The agenda for the first Arctic Circle gathering will include plenary sessions with international leaders on emerging topics of interest, such as: Sea ice melt and extreme weather; Security in the Arctic; Fisheries and ecosystem management; Shipping and transportation infrastructure; Arctic Resources; and Tourism.

This collaboration is based on a set of activities starting from generating hypotheses, to planning research including both observations and modeling, and to finalizing analyses synthesizing major results from the field studies and coordinated numerical experiments. The major themes of this year's workshop include, but are not limited by studies focused on:. More info is available at the project's website: www. The workshop is sponsored by the Wildlife Conservation Society. July 29, Today's Events. The fact that the trajectory of research — and much of the infrastructure critical to security — are in private hands need not be a problem if state actors were able to exercise oversight through traditional means such as norms development, regulation and law-making.

However, the pace and intensity of innovation, and difficulty of predicting what new capabilities will be unleashed as new technologies intersect, makes it difficult for states to keep up. State-centric institutions for maintaining international security have failed to develop a systematic approach to address the possible long-term security implications of advances in areas as diverse as nanotechnology, synthetic biology, big data and machine learning. Nor have industry-led measures yet filled the gap. Expanding domains of conflict.

Domains of potential conflict such as outer space, the deep oceans, and the Arctic — all perceived as gateways to economic and strategic advantage — are expanding via new technologies and materials that can overcome inhospitable conditions.

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Like cyberspace, these are less well-governed than the familiar domains of land, sea and air: their lack of natural borders can make them difficult to reconcile with existing international legal frameworks, and technological development is both rapid and private sector-driven, which makes it hard for governance institutions to keep up.

Access to the technology needed to reach and exploit space, for example, allows belligerents to compromise the effectiveness of defensive measures that rely on satellites for communications, navigation, command and control technology. Even a very limited strike on a satellite would likely cause space debris, damaging systems used by the wider community.

What is physically possible becomes likely. History suggests that any technology — even one that gives moral pause - will eventually be developed in order to be used as a weapon.

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10 trends for the future of warfare

Policy-makers can argue that because non-state actors, terrorist and criminal groups can access new technology, they are obliged to pursue weaponization, in order to prepare an adequate defence. Public disquiet can also be bypassed by conducting research in secret; we now know from de-classified accounts of Cold War studies that soldiers were used as guinea pigs to research the effects of new weapons, and military experiments may well be underway today in areas such as human enhancement.

The tendency for the logic of conflict to drive the development of technology beyond what is considered acceptable by society under normal conditions is one more reason to pay closer attention to trends in this field. International Security is destabilised at the institutional level by the way the 4th Industrial Revolution is empowering the individual through technology, and the way that blurs the lines between war and peace, military and civilian, domestic and foreign, public and private, and physical and digital. Consider the implications for democratic control over armed force when technologies like big data analytics, machine learning, behavioural science and chatbots are fully enlisted in the battle over perceptions and control of the narrative.

But is it ultimately the responsibility of the state or of corporations to prevent or deter the kind of attack experienced by Sony Pictures? What is the appropriate response? When does an attack on a private company constitute an act of war? Little by little, the responsibility for defending citizens is effectively shifting away from the state and towards the private sector.

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In return, the state expects respect for its laws. This can undermine mechanisms for global governance, which consist of inter-state institutions that rely on state power for their effectiveness. Could the relative loss of state power fatally undermine the system of international security? Several well-known tech entrepreneurs have talked in ways that suggest they see national governments not as a leader in norms development, but as an unnecessary inconvenience. Paypal co-founder Peter Thiel has floated the idea of establishing a sea colony to literally offshore himself from government regulation.


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  • Elon Musk has talked about colonising Mars. There is serious interest in businesses formulating their own foreign policy. These are interesting ideas, but until there is a credible rival the state for the role of main international security actor to meet the challenges of the Fourth Industrial Revolution, the character of state action on security will need to adapt to the new environment, re-position itself to accommodate other actors, and renegotiate relations across a widespread network of partnerships.

    As attitudes adapt to the new distribution of security responsibility between individuals, companies and institutions of governance, there is a need for a new approach to international security. There is plenty of room for debate about how that approach should look, but the baseline can be drawn through three points: it will need to be able to think long-term, adapt rapidly to the implications of technological advances, and work in a spirit of partnership with a wide range of stakeholders.

    Institutional barriers between civilian and military spheres are being torn down. Outreach to Silicon Valley is a feature of current US Defence policy, for example, as are invitations to hackers to help the Department of Defence to maintain its advantage in the digital domain. Such is the speed, complexity and ubiquity of innovation today, we need a regulation process that looks ahead to how emerging technologies could conceivably be weaponized, without holding back the development of those technologies for beneficial ends.

    This will need to proactively anticipate and adapt to not only technological changes, but also macro-cultural ones, which are a lot harder to predict. States and other security actors need to start exploring with each other some of the concepts and modes of operation that would make such a networked approach sustainable, legitimate and fit for the ultimate purpose of maintaining stability and promoting peaceful coexistence in the emerging international security landscape.

    Instead of meeting each other in court, as the FBI met the Apple Corporation to settle their dispute about encryption, security providers could meet across a table, under new forms of public oversight and agile governance, as partners in a common endeavour.